Wednesday, April 25, 2012
No Islamists Allowed. The Underground is This Way...
Rightfully, Islamist groups think that this measure was specifically targeted against them.
My feelings are that these types of measures are counter-productive and harmful in the long term. It might be satisfying, from a Western perspective, to know that in the upcoming elections there will be no Islamist or Salafist parties running for office (as happened in Egypt). But, that doesn't mean that Islamists don't exist. In fact, by denying Islamist parties a voice in parliament, they are forced instead to go underground and search for alternative means to get their message across. And there you have it: conflict. The short term satisfaction of no Islamists in government leads to the long term consequences of an underground, suppressed, and probably anti-government Islamist movement-- because if they weren't anti-government before, they surely are now.
Egypt's next elections will prove my point. If the Muslim Brotherhood and the Salafists do not satisfy the Egyptians expectations by the time of the next election, they will be voted out of office. It was no surprise when they were recently elected: they were well organized (thanks to their semi-underground status) and presented an alternative vision for Egypt. Logistically and organizationally, nobody else was in a position to be voted into power. That won't, however, be the case in the next round of elections: other parties will have had the chance to organize, form a strategy, and present a case to the Egyptian people. This upcoming presidential election is another story. Stay tuned for developments to come-- as dictated by the ruling military council.
The ban in Libya is not only on Islamist parties, though. It also bans parties based on region or tribe. Basically, this is to prevent the decentralized, federalist structure that some Benghazis want. Again, by suppressing that voice, the NTC is sowing the seeds of future conflict.
One cannot have a functioning democracy with an un-democratic structure. An oligarchy in democratic clothing might be in fashion, but I'm hoping that, much like bell-bottoms, we'll look back on this as just a silly fad.
Assad vs Annan
News sources report that the killings are continuing in Syria, despite the presence of UN observers. In fact, it appears that the Assad regime is targeting those who are cooperating with the UN observers, something UN peace envoy Kofi Annan calls "unacceptable and reprehensible".
Given the violations of the Annan peace plan, one has to wonder what al-Assad is thinking. What is he ultimately planning for? What are his goals at this stage?
The most obvious answer would be that he wants to stay in power. In order to achieve that end, he will battle the opposition factions in whatever way he can. However, given the international attention that the conflict in Syria is receiving, could he honestly hope to remain in power if the wanton violence finally came to an end? Does he hope to move on from this?
I am leaning towards a "yes". It would take a feat of unimaginable hubris to believe that Assad could emerge from this conflict with his rule intact, but a man who has been sheltered from reality for his entire life might fall prey to such delusions of grandeur. Alternative plans are limited:
- Comfortable exile? Saudi Arabia certainly wouldn't offer haven to Assad (as it offered to Ben Ali of Tunisia). Iran is a possibility, but I don't think the Iranians need to instigate further international scorn.
- Chosen successor? Handing power over to a chosen successor seems unlikely as well, especially if the successor was an Alawite, and one can't imagine Assad handing power over to anything but an Alawite.
- Adherence to the Annan peace plan? Nope. Not gonna happen. Even if we ignored the current violence and watch as somehow the additional UN observers due to arrive in the region somehow put a stop to the killings, what next? Amicably go along with a "political transition" in Syria? In essence, agree to be ousted from power, politically rather than militarily? I doubt it. Amnesty would not be a likely scenario in a post-Assad Syria -- arrest (and probable execution) are much more likely.
Monday, April 16, 2012
Meeting a Syrian
Friday, April 6, 2012
Having Fun With the News!
Sunday, April 1, 2012
Hoping for an Adlai Stevenson Moment
Wednesday, March 28, 2012
Spain and Syria: Interventions Not Allowed
Saturday, March 24, 2012
Questions Are Qool
I am impressed by the continuing trend toward common sense and rationality among a growing number of public figures in the U.S. who look at Syria and Iran and remember the lessons and legacy of the American-led wars in Iraq and Afghanistan.
In spite of the warriors among the Republican presidential candidates who are roaring for war, more frequently these days we are hearing words of caution and restraint from Americans who actually take the time to study realities in the Middle East and ask some hard questions. This did not happen to any serious extent when in 2003 the U.S. led the Iraq invasion, the consequences of which continue to plague the region, the U.S. itself and the world.
Khouri goes on to ask some important questions that aren't getting enough attention.
- Does the U.S. have the moral authority or credible political mandate to initiate wars such as the ones in Afghanistan and Iraq, and and still may do in Syria and Iran?
- By what authority does the U.S. decide to go to war in the Middle East?